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November 05, 2020

We can’t work on empty stomachs while politicians stock palliatives – ASUU

 

REBECCA AJANI

MEMBERS of the Academic Staff Union of Universities have insisted that the Federal Government must pay their withheld salaries and complete the negotiations of what led to the ASUU strike before they return to the classroom.

The lecturers said this just as they noted that despite the fact that students were tired of sitting at home, they could not work on “empty stomachs while politicians’ homes and warehouses are filled with palliative materials that they don’t even need.”

Zonal Coordinator, ASUU, Prof Ade Adejumo, made these positions known while speaking with journalists at the University of Ibadan on Wednesday.

ASUU members from the University of Ibadan and other universities were present at the press conference.

“We are ready to suspend the strike if the government pays our withheld salaries and completes the negotiations that led to the strike. Our children too are tired of staying at home but we cannot work on empty stomachs while politicians’ homes and warehouses are filled with palliative materials that they don’t even need,” Adejumo said.

The union also accused the Federal Government of employing hunger as a weapon to suppress its members.

It said, “Rather than for Government to utilise the opportunity of the lockdown to address our grievances, it was during that lockdown that our salaries were stopped so that our members could die of hunger in their various homes

“It took a high level of intervention before our members were paid amputated salaries for three months after which Government resorted to blackmail by whipping sentiments against us while taking our members as enemies deserving of starvation.

“The intellectuals are citizens, not enemies but Government appears to have declared war on us using the weapon used during the war against adversaries – hunger.”

While noting that some people had been wondering why ASUU was still on strike, the zonal coordinator said, “The simple answer is that ASUU is on strike because of the survival of the university system where many of us still have our children as students, since we cannot afford sponsoring our children abroad with our measly salaries as politicians do.

“ASUU is on strike in order to restore the past glory of public universities and address the infrastructural decay and deficit in our institutions. ASUU is on strike for the legitimate dues of its members who are the least paid in the tertiary education sub-sector.

“For the sake of emphasis, the truth that will shock many Nigerians, which is available for verification, is that Chief Lecturers in some tertiary institutions, who are not required to supervise postgraduate students or conduct research, earn more than professors in our lopsided education system.”

The union revealed that it was actually tired of having a circus show of talks, adding, however, that in the interest of the students and Nigerians at large, it had continued to hold unending meetings while the Federal Government continued to shift the goal post and dribble the union.

For instance, it said, “The government agreed to do its own obligation of constituting visitation panels to the universities to check their records between April and May 2019, but it has failed to do so.

“The issue of our Earned Academic Allowances which the Government agreed to pay in two tranches in November 2019 and July 2020 is still there.

“We are still waiting for the renegotiation of our 2009 agreement that comprehensively addresses all the issues at stake. All that we have before us are words without actions, and as our people say, ordinary words do not fill the basket.”

ASUU reiterated its stance that the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS) was a distraction to its members, saying, “Apart from IPPIS being a cesspool of corruption as many Nigerians who are at its receiving end have attested to, there is no serious-minded country in the world where university lecturers and intellectual assets of the country are lumped together in payment with the civil service.

“We raised this point of order when the system was introduced and there was a joint team constituted to work things out.”

It said, “The alternative University Transparency and Accountability Solution (UTAS) that we developed, and which has been successfully demonstrated at least three times to the satisfaction of government, is still being subjected to an unending process of integrity tests. We are being played around like ping pong as Government keeps approbating and reprobating at the same time.

“By all intents and purposes, IPPIS is a violation of the Universities (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2003 (also known as the Universities Autonomy Act No 1 2007 (as amended)) which the National Assembly signed into law on July 30, 2003, and subsequently gazetted by the Federal Republic of Nigeria Official Gazette Number 10, Volume 94 of January 12, 2007.

“Why would the government violate its own law of vesting the power of hiring, paying and firing university staff in the Governing Councils without repealing the law? It is high time we joined hands to end government impunity. Without impunity on the part of the government, there will be no brutality in the rank and file of SARS.”

The union also alleged that the Federal Government “callously” withheld the check-off dues of some of its members, who were selectively paid amputated salaries, in order to starve the union of the energy needed to sustain the negotiations.

It called on Nigerians to prevail on Government to release the withheld salaries of its members and remit the check-off dues of the union to the rightful owner, The Point reports.

According to ASUU, they should be paid the same way Government had allegedly “arbitrarily handpicked members without subjecting them to IPPIS registration and speed up the process of testing the integrity of UTAS so that it may be deployed for payment beginning from January 2021.”

Some of those who attended the briefing were Prof. Moyo Ajao, Prof. Ayo Akinwole (Ibadan), Dr Femi Abanikannda (University of Osun), Dr Dauda Adesola (Kwara State), and Prof Olusiji Showande (Lagos State).

-ThePoint

 

 

Election: Iran’s supreme leader mocks US democracy

 

IRAN’S supreme leader has mocked the rancorous aftermath of election day in the United States, saying that the vote has exposed the reality of US democracy.

Well over 24 hours after the last polling stations closed in the US state of Alaska, the battle for the White House remains undecided.

US President Donald Trump has caused disquiet among even leaders of his own Republican Party by flatly alleging fraud, while his Democratic challenger Joe Biden’s campaign team has accused the incumbent of seeking to deny the electoral rights of tens of thousands of postal voters.

“What a spectacle!” supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei tweeted late Wednesday.

“One says this is the most fraudulent election in US history. Who says that? The president who is currently in office.

“His rival says Trump intends to rig the election! This is how #USElections & US democracy are.”

The deepening polarisation of US politics since Trump’s surprise election victory four years ago has drawn expressions of concern even from Western allies, with Germany warning of a “very explosive situation” in the aftermath of the poll.

Despite US allegations that Tehran sought to use social media to influence voters in the run-up to polling day, Iran’s leadership has publicly insisted it favours neither candidate, despite their sharply divergent policies towards Tehran.

Trump has led a campaign of “maximum pressure” against the Islamic republic, pulling Washington out of a multilateral deal on Iran’s nuclear programme and reimposing crippling unilateral sanctions.

Biden has signalled he is ready to rejoin the landmark nuclear agreement struck in 2015 when he served as vice president under Trump’s predecessor Barack Obama.

But on Tuesday, Khamenei insisted the outcome of the election would have no impact on Iranian policy.

– AFP

–ThePoint

 

 

Crop harvest: Benue declares Fridays work-free day for civil servants

 

DAVID JOHNSON

BENUE State Government has declared Fridays as work-free days for the state’s civil servants.

This, it was learnt, was to allow the workers harvest their farm produce and improve food security in Benue State.

The workers would begin to enjoy the free days from November 6 till January 29, 2021, the state government said.

Normal work schedule would resume on February 5, 2021, it added.

The development, it was gathered, was to allow civil servants the opportunity to harvest their farm produce.

Confirming the development, the Commissioner for Information, Culture and Tourism in the state, Mrs Ngunan Addingi, said, “The declaration of Fridays as work-free days is to improve food security in the state.”

-ThePoint

 

 

US Election: Can Trump still win?

 

Mr Biden has 243 Electoral College votes, giving him the edge in the race to accumulate the 270 needed to win the White House. Mr Trump has 214.

In the United States election, voters decide state-level contests rather than a single, national one. Each US state gets a certain number of electoral college votes partly based on its population, with a total of 538 up for grabs.

If Mr Trump does lose Wisconsin (10 electoral college votes), he must win Georgia (16 votes), North Carolina (15), Pennsylvania (20) and either Arizona (11) or Nevada (6) to prevail.

Officials in Georgia said they would keep going all night until counting was finished, but as of midnight local time (05:00 GMT) they reported that there were still about 90,000 votes to count. At that time President Trump was leading by some 31,000 votes.

In Arizona, Mr Biden was leading by about 80,000 votes, with further results expected on Thursday . CBS has categorised it as a “likely” win for the Democrat. Supporters of Mr Trump gathered outside a vote counting centre in Maricopa County (which includes Phoenix, the largest city in the state), where officials vowed to “continue our job” .

An update on the count in Nevada – where the candidates were neck-and-neck – is not expected until Thursday at 17:00 GMT (09:00 local time), while in Philadelphia, counting is not expected to finish for several days.

What about the legal challenges?

The Trump campaign said the president would formally request a Wisconsin recount, citing “irregularities in several Wisconsin counties”.

Incomplete results indicate the margin between Mr Trump and Mr Biden in Wisconsin is less than one percentage point, which allows a candidate to seek a recount.

The campaign also filed a lawsuit in Michigan to stop counting there because it contended it had been denied “meaningful access” to observe the opening of ballots and the tally.

In Detroit, Michigan, police were called on Wednesday afternoon to guard the doors to a vote-counting facility as some protesters outside demanded access to monitor the process. According to the Detroit Free Press, there were already some 200 people observing the vote inside the building.

Officials were seen covering up the windows to the TCF Center, where postal ballots were being tabulated.

Could the election be decided in courts?

The Trump campaign also filed two lawsuits in Pennsylvania to halt all vote counting “until there is meaningful transparency”.

The president has a three-point lead in the Keystone State, but many thousands of votes remain to be counted.

Mr Trump is also suing Georgia to halt the vote count there. His campaign said a Republican poll observer in the southern state had witnessed 53 late absentee ballots being illegally added to a pile of votes in Chatham County.

In 2016, Mr Trump’s wins in Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania sealed his victory and took him to the White House.

In the early hours of Wednesday, the president claimed he had won the election despite many uncounted votes remaining. The speech brought strong criticism from both Democrats and Republicans.

Mr Trump also said he was prepared to take the election to the Supreme Court, and his campaign is asking Republican donors to help fund legal challenges. Such challenges start at a state level but could eventually lead to the top court in the US.

Republican National Committee Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel said: “The fight’s not over. We’re in it.”

Mr Biden’s running mate, Kamala Harris, tweeted asking supporters to contribute $5 to help pay for litigation that could “stretch on for weeks”.

Biden campaign senior legal adviser Bob Bauer said there were no grounds for Mr Trump to invalidate lawful ballots.

What were the other key results?

Mr Biden’s hopes of a decisive early victory on election night were thwarted as Mr Trump defied pollsters’ predictions by over-performing in key battlegrounds.

The president held several important states, including Texas, Ohio and Iowa.

He also comfortably won his adopted home state of Florida, the most hotly fought battleground of the night, despite two visits there by Mr Biden’s ally and former boss, ex-President Barack Obama.

But Mr Biden fended off his rival’s attempts to pick up New Hampshire and Minnesota.

What did the exit polls reveal?

Some political analysts were surprised by data that showed Mr Trump doubled his support among black voters to 12%, compared with four years ago.

He also boosted his vote share among Hispanic men to 36%, according to the exit polls, compared with 28% in 2016.

African-Americans and Latinos are two vital electoral blocs for Democrats.

The president shed votes, though, among white men, the demographic that propelled him to the White House four years ago.

However, Mr Trump also increased his support significantly among white women (55% on Tuesday versus 47% in 2016).

What about the congressional races?

Democrats dreamed of an electoral blue wave sweeping away a Republican party that has been recast in Mr Trump’s image. But those hopes were dashed.

Their chances of winning Senate control appeared to be dwindling as the dust settled from election day. Democrats won two seats in Colorado and Arizona, but lost another in Alabama.

A Senate race in North Carolina remained undecided, and another in Georgia was heading for a run-off vote in January.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said he felt “pretty good” about the remaining contests. Republicans currently control the chamber by 53-47.

Mr McConnell and Trump ally Lindsey Graham were both re-elected in their seats of Kentucky and South Carolina respectively.

Republicans also held on to other Senate seats in Maine, Montana, Texas and Iowa.

There was another unexpected setback for Democrats in House of Representatives races. The party had hoped to gain 15 seats in the lower chamber of Congress, which they currently control.

Instead, they face a reduced majority after seven of their incumbents lost and the party failed to beat a single Republican.

One of the incoming Republican lawmakers, in Georgia, has been described as a supporter of the fringe, pro-Trump QAnon conspiracy theory.

– BBC

-ThePoint

 

 

EFCC presents N29.9bn 2021 Budget to National Assembly

 

AYO ESAN

THE Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, on Wednesday, presented a budget of N29,861,694,947 billion (Twenty-nine Billion, Eight Hundred and Sixty-one Million, Six Hundred and Ninety-four Thousand, Nine Hundred and Forty-seven Naira) to the National Assembly for its operations in 2021.

A breakdown of the estimate indicates that N24,407,559,975 (Twenty-four Billion, Four Hundred and Seven Million, Five Hundred and Fifty-nine Thousand, Nine Hundred and Seventy-five Naira) is earmarked as personnel cost; N3,600,773,354 (Three Billion, Six Hundred Million, Seven Hundred and Seventy-three Thousand, Three Hundred and Fifty-four Naira) as overhead; while N1, 853, 361, 618 (One Billion, Eight Hundred and Fifty-three Million, Three Hundred and Sixty-one Thousand, Six Hundred and Eighteen Naira) is projected for capital expenditure.

Presenting the budget to the Senate Committee on Anti-corruption and Financial Crimes, headed by Senator Abdul Kwari, the Acting Chairman of the Commission, Mohammed Umar Abba, gave an overview of the performance of the Commission’s 2020 budget.

He disclosed that of the total of N32.694 billion, appropriated for the Commission in the current year, N25.136billion, representing 76.88 per cent had so far been released.

A breakdown of the figure shows that N21.398 billion was released as personnel cost, N2.100 billion for overhead and N1.638 billion for capital projects.

Abba further disclosed that N18.823 billion, representing 74.88 per cent of the N25.136 billion released had been fully utilised.

-ThePoint

 

 

N450m fraud: Court adjourns trial of ex-Minister, others till February 4, 2021

AYO ESAN

THE money laundering trial of a former Minister of State for Power, Muhammad Wakil, and four others by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission was on Wednesday adjourned till February 4, 2021 by Justice J.K Dagad of the Federal High Court, sitting in Maiduguri, Borno State.

The other defendants are Garba Abacha, Ibrahim Shehu Birma, Dr. Abubakar Ali Kullima and Engr. Muhammad Baba Kachalla.

The defendants were alleged to have received the sum of N450million, being part of the $115million disbursed by a former Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke, to influence the outcome of the 2015 presidential election.

 

One of the charges read, “That you, Hon. Muhammad Wakil, Garba Abacha, Ibrahim Shehu Birma, Dr. Abubakar Ali Kullima and Engr. Muhammad Baba Kachalla on or about the 26th day of March, 2015 at Maiduguri, Borno State, within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, did agree among yourselves to do an illegal act, to wit: conspiracy to commit money laundering and thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 18(a) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, 2011 (as amended).”

The defendants were first arraigned before Justice M.T Salihu on July 2, 2018. But his retirement from the bench, necessitated the re-assignment of the case to a new judge.

When the matter was called on Wednesday, the Court Registrar presented a letter from Nankham Ayuba Dammo, counsel to the first, second, and fourth defendants, wherein he informed the Court that he was indisposed and asked for adjournment on the ground of ill-health.

Counsel to the fifth defendant, Z. Hamza, also sent a letter asking for adjournment due to the fact that he was appearing in another matter before the Appeal Court, Gombe.

However, prosecuting counsel, Fatsuma Muhammad, objected to the letter sent by counsel to the fifth defendant on the ground that no hearing notice from the Gombe Division of the Court of Appeal was attached.

He thereby urged the court to discountenance his application.

After listening to counsel, Justice Dagad adjourned the case till February 4, 2021.

-ThePoint

 

Reminiscences: ‘My Journey Through Life’

 

AZU ISHIEKWENE

AT the beginning, I was tempted to think of the author as a reluctant memoirist. Hon. Justice Sunday Akinola Akintan says his two greatest motivations for writing Reminiscences: My Journey Through Life are 1) to fortify the slender repertoire of written records in Yorubaland and 2) to heed the counsel of famous lawyer T.O.S. Benson that the only way for a man to avoid being buried with a life’s worth of library is for him to write a book before he dies .

Reminiscences: My Journey Through Life is not an autobiography and should not be so mistaken. Yet, in six parts comprising 21 chapters and 218 pages of this memoir, the author uses the autobiographic technique of fact focus to render, connect and weave strong emotional threads which help to sustain the reader’s interest.

The author could have been “Engineer Akintan”, and he probably would have received his father’s blessing for his choice. Pa Emmanuel Olofingunleka Akintan was a very religious man (in the days when religion and polygamy were not irreconcilable). He was a prosperous cocoa farmer in Aiyetoro Owena in Idanre in the old Ondo Province, which later became Ondo and Ekiti states.

If his son did not want to become a priest or a farmer, perhaps he could have become an engineer, especially since the young Akintan was good in mathematics.
“The legal profession,” Akintan writes, “was a novel profession in the family and the impression he (Pa Akintan) and many others in the community had was that it was a profession where you could hardly find an honest living person.”

This impression — or perhaps more accurately, this prejudice — was not limited to Akintan’s community in those days. The general feeling among swathes of the local population in many parts of the country, especially in rural areas, was that when lawyers and interpreters were not busy looking after themselves, they were acting as puppets and tools of the British colonial masters.

His overriding passion was not only to study law because he was enticed by its esoteric rituals – the wig and gown and the dramatic courtroom courtesies — though he could not deny the pull. More important, it seems, was his desire to demonstrate that there could be an honest living lawyer, one that could uphold the fundamental values of honesty, fairness, fidelity, faith and devotion to family and community, and yet make a decent living.

He believes that this prospect is possible in law, though less so in private than in public practice. He believes, also, that law can and should not only be an instrument of recompense but also a leverage to build community.
As a young lawyer in the office of the Solicitor-General posted on relief duty to Kano, for example, he intervened to right the wrong done a private beer manufacturer by a foreign competitor that was hiding the empty bottles of the local company and thereby increasing the local company’s production cost.

But Akintan didn’t stop at calling out the unfair practice. He recommended a waiver to the minister of finance on the company’s outstanding excise duties and also a financial bailout for its working capital. The minister obliged. It would be interesting to know how many young lawyers in a similar position in public service today would do that for a company they do not know in a state far away from their state of origin, and all for nothing.

That is not all. In the Companies Registry and Business Name Registry under the Federal Ministry of Trade where he worked for three years (and for a period under the supervision of the formidable Sokoto prince, Alhaji Abubakar Alhaji, then permanent secretary) the author deployed the human face of the law yet again.

This comes across in Chapter 11, where Dr. Moses Majekodunmi whose company failed to deliver on a construction contract related to Festac ’77 was to have been arrested and detained on the orders of General Obasanjo, then military officer in charge of works. Signing off the file with “immediate effect” and letting heads roll would just have been in line with the spirit of militarism of the time, especially since Obasanjo had made his remarks in red ink.

But Akintan took a different, potentially dangerous track. “I read through the file,” he says on page 91, “and found that nowhere was a demand made for a refund of the money paid to the contractor. I therefore wrote that the action requested was premature since the request for his arrest and detention was in respect of recovery of debt.” General Obasanjo responds a few days later, “OK, the demand should be made.” And that was under the military.

Again, the law is deployed as an instrument of social cohesion when, as a High Court judge in Ondo, Akintan was confronted by the case of a woman whose well-off siblings had conspired against and demolished a stall she attached to her father’s house. The stall was her only means of livelihood but her half-brothers who claimed their late father had not paid any dowry on her mother wanted to dispossess her of the stall, which was all she had.

It was a case where a judgement, however carefully thought out and reasonably delivered, would hardly have been justice. It would only deepen strife and the family’s grief and misery, perhaps extending it for generations down the line. After a prolonged back-and-forth (including, in fact, a recusal by Akintan at some stage), both parties agreed to let the judge’s wise counsel prevail and to settle the matter out of court.

Although the book is divided into six parts, Akintan spends over half of it on his roots, his growing-up years in Owena/Idanre and his early career as a lawyer in Lagos. The next big chunk – his years at the Bench from 1978 to 2008 – gets less in page count but packs significantly more in his acts on the big legal stage.

Would he still be able to maintain his high moral ground at a time when contrary values appeared to have taken hold? Would he stand firm when the appurtenances and accoutrements of his exalted position could open the possibilities, even justification, for compromise – or, as Fela Anikulapo-Kuti would say, to chop and clean mouth?
He provides some insights through the lenses of his judgements, between chapters 15 and 17, and closes with his non-judicial and post-retirement activities in the next four chapters.

But to read the judgements alone — whether the one involving a witness who turned a case on its head under cross-examination (page 110), the case of the murder of the chairman of the Oredo Local Government Area (shortly after the Anini conundrum in Benin), or the case of the Attorney General of the Federation & others v. Alhaji Atiku Abubakar & others (2007) — without understanding the story behind them (the research, preparation, diligence, courage, transparency and single-minded commitment to justice and fairness) would be a disservice to the author and the book.

Of the judgements in his time as High Court judge, Akintan shares a particularly significant one: the 1983 electoral dispute between Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin (of the Unity Party of Nigeria) and his estranged deputy, Chief Akin Omoboriowo (who had defected to the National Party of Nigeria, the ruling party).

If the election tribunal headed by Justice Olakunle Orojo had not heeded Justice Akintan’s advice to go the extra mile by sitting long, arduous hours to hear all the addresses by counsel and deliver its judgement by Saturday afternoon – 72 hours before the Monday deadline permitted by the enabling law – the state would have become ungovernable, as the electorate would have been obliged to believe that the panel deliberately ran down the clock and sided with the electoral commission to defraud them by imposing Omoboriowo.

His leading judgement in the Supreme Court in the case of Joseph Ona v. Atenda, which laid to rest the indigene-ship and non-indigene-ship palaver in the Federal Capital Territory, is adtingas terminus pavulorum sententiae (a landmark judgement) hardly remembered in the charged and often emotional debate about residency status in Abuja. Until I read this book, I did not know I had just about as much right in Abuja as the Gwari.

What are his views on social issues such as the death penalty and congestion at the courts? He believes, based on at least two cited cases he presided over in the High Court, that unreliability of evidence, especially by suborned or malicious false witnesses, “increases the possibility of innocent people being convicted and sentenced to death”, and he is therefore opposed to it.

In a sense, Akintan’s position is consistent with the Yoruba proverb, “Ori yeye ni m’ogun t’aise lopo”, derived from the mythology of the missing trumpet of the King of Otolu. After ordering the beheading of 17 palace workers at the Ogun shrine on suspicion that they were responsible for his missing trumpet, the king later found that it had, in fact, been stolen by his younger son who wanted to supplant the heir apparent.

Can you imagine, for example, how the judge who wrongly convicted Archie Williams for stabbing and killing a 30-year-old white woman in her home in Baton Rouge, Louisana, in 1982, would have felt if he had sentenced him to death by execution before DNA evidence led to his freedom after 37 years in prison?

The credits at the end of the movie, “Just Mercy: A Story of Justice and Redemption”, an adaption of Bryan Stevenson’s book, says, “For every nine people who have been executed in the US, one person on death row has now been proven innocent and released, a shocking tale of errors.”

On case congestion at the courts and general administration of justice, he argues that the re-introduction of the Assizes system, the restriction of some cases to the Courts of Appeal, and better management of the electoral system could help decongest the appellate courts, especially the Supreme Court. “The position grew so wild,” Akintan writes, “after the 2015 election that the number of election petitions far outstripped all the other cases filed in all the courts in the country” (page 149). It doesn’t look like the situation is getting better.

If, like me, you’re not cut out for such rituals, there’s still something to keep you turning the page. A family-bound reader, for example, would connect easily with Akintan’s fondness of his mother; his deep bond with his wife and family; his frustration when his niece, Ebun, who, even though he had taken and treated as his own daughter, still got engaged behind his back; and his devasting sense of loss when he received the news in London that Uncle Wright Akindoroye, Ebun’s father, who was instrumental in his studies abroad, had died in a car accident.

The office of judge carries its own risks as well, and Justice Akintan does not understate them. He cites two examples reminiscent of, but even far more dangerous than, the threat faced by Sonia Sotomayor (Justice of the US Supreme Court) in her book, My Beloved World,where a case she was handling as lead prosecutor exposed her and the judge to the terror of an Asian mafia.

In Justice Akintan’s case, some persons whom he had convicted for armed robbery (they were eight; five had been executed and three sentenced to five years in prison) sidled up to him at a departmental store in Lagos; on another occasion, the half-brother of someone he had convicted for murder approached him at a wedding in London and reminded him of the case. Both encounters leave him dazed and frazzled, to say the least.

His literary style, like his profession, is conservative — the next edition could use tighter edits. Also, when he touches on politically charged subjects like the Supreme Court’s decision on the Attorney General of the Federation and others v. Alhaji Atiku Abubakar; his encounter with Justice Atinuke Ige after Chief Bola Ige was murdered; or his role in the trial of Justice Walter Onnoghen as Chairman of the Preliminary Complaints Assessment Committee of the National Judicial Council, the journalist in me is left asking for more details and insights.

The memoir may not be as grand as Rev. Samuel Johnson’s The History of the Yoruba, or as thematic as Saburi Biobaku’s The Origin of the Yoruba, both of which offer profound insights into Yoruba culture and history, from a different genre. Also, the memoir may not fulfil the author’s ambition to enrich the tome of Yoruba literature in, say, the robust and adventurous style of the Awujale in Awujale: The Autobiography of Oba S.K. Adetona Ogbagba II, for example. Yet, anyone genuinely interested in the evolution of the proud, fearless and industrious Ondo people and the mosaic sub-nationalities especially the Akoko, Ikale, Owo, Akure and Ondo people, with their rich culture, riveting landscape and enchanting dialects, will benefit greatly, as I have, from Akintan’s memoir.

As I closed the last page, I had no doubt that Justice Sunday Akinola Akintan is leaving behind something more than what he bargained for when he answered T.O.S. Benson’s call to write, keeping in mind that Benson did not live up to his own lofty counsel to write a book before he died. Reminiscences: My Journey Through Life is a legacy for not just one but for many libraries.

Edited version of retired Supreme Court Justice Sunday Akinola Akintan’s book by Ishiekwene, MD/Editor-In-Chief of The Interview, and member, Board of Advisers of The Point Newspaper.